The Mayan community of Kakchikel has been defined by its struggle to defend its territories from the threat of extractive industries, and has played an active role in the La Puya nonviolent resistance movement against the El Tambor Mine. The community claims the massacre followed an intimidation campaign targeting villagers and that the national civil police (PNC) participated. As of 2005, the community has had an autonomous governing structure and has been responsible for its own security since 2005. Until now, there has been no police presence in the community.

The Puya Resistance

Inhabitants of San Jose del Golfo and San Pedro Ayampuc have been organizing themselves since 2010 as part of a social resistance movement that seeks both to address the harmful effects of extractive industries and defense of basic rights recognized by the state of Guatemala. 2011 saw the development of the El Tambor Mine, operated by the North American company Kappes Kassiday & Associates KCA, as wells as the Guatemalan company, “Exploraciones Mineras the Guatemala S.A. (EXMINGUA). The process was halted due to the nonviolent resistance in La Puya- the name given to the sustained protest that was set up at the entrance of the mine. La Puya became the primary tactic used by the movement to resist the construction of El Tambor. The sustained action began when a neighboring villager blocked a bus at the mine and others followed his lead. Since then, neighbors have been maintaining a constant presence at La Puya. In a short time, the struggle has evolved as a symbol of nonviolent resistance to extractive industries in Guatemala, and has been successful in halting the construction of El Tambor, and suspending development projects that lacked the support of the community. A large percentage of the local population in towns, potentially affected by the mine, participates in the resistance movement.

The community of San Jose Nacahuil has participated since the beginning of the movement, and has lead many acts of nonviolent resistance (most recently, they blocked trucks sent by a subcontracted electric company from entering the Mine).

Past Intimidation and Statements from the Community

The resistance movement of La Puya alerted the press, stating that since August 31^st, the PNC had been intimidating activists, making it clear that police forces do not have jurisdiction in the region. Representatives of the movement turned to the Department of Human Rights (DHR), and presented their complaint to the secretary of the director of PNC, to ask why police forces had been sent to their territories. The authorities couldn’t justify the unlawful presence. 
The activists explain that their past experiences with nonviolent resistance have taught them that “actions such as these serve as a sign of things to come- a sign that repressive tactics targeted at the movement will escalate: attempts at evictions or acts of intimidation against the men and women that take part in the Puya.” In their press release they claim that “with these actions, it is clear that the authorities entrusted with public safety are not socially conscious and rather than using their resources to prevent crime, they intimidate a community that is simply exercising its right to protest.”

The Massacre of September 7^th, 2013

According to a press release sent from various social justice organizations and the community at large, on September 7^th at 10:45pm, a police patrol team entered the community, “inspecting stores with everyday goods, and alcoholic beverages, asking for the names of store owners and insisting on speaking with them. They lined up everyone they found in the stores against a wall, and registered their names.” This procedure is very unusual in Nacahuil, as the community’s public safety has been in the hands of the local indigenous authorities since the PNC was sent out in 2005. After a short while, an armed group entered the village, and mounted an unmarked truck. They gunned down major streets of the village, “particularly targeting stores that were still open.” In total, there were 11 left dead and 15 seriously wounded, including two girls.

While in the first few hours following the massacre, various media outlets attributed the tragedy to gang violence, the local indigenous authorities of Nacahuil rejected this explanation. They denounced the manipulation of the media, rejected statements from the Ministry of Governance, and insisted that these events not be used as pretext for further militarization of their community. It must also be noted that crime in the community was reduced after the PNC was forced to leave in 2005. This tragedy occurred only a few weeks before the Totonicapan massacre anniversary on October 4^th 2012, in which the military assassinated 8 indigenous activists. The massacre has also to be framed within the beginning of criminalization of social movements as well as the militarization of indigenous territories that has already lead to two states emergency declarations in the defense of transnational interests.